James Madison And The Federal Constitutional Convention Of 1787

An essay documenting Madison as intellectual leader and keeper of the memory of the gathering that created the United States Constitution in the summer of 1787. In the 1820s and 1830s James Madison struggled to draft a "Preamble" and "Sketch never finished nor applied" for a preface to his planned publication of his "Notes of Debates in the Federal Convention... Constitution. Now that document's fiftieth anniversary was approaching as fast as Madison's life was slipping away. As far back as the 1790s, Madison had planned to publish his journal of notes from the convention and had begun to "correct" it accordingly. Later he even had his wife's brother, John C.

Payne, recopy his journal and incorporate many of his emendations and corrections into the text. Yet Madison continually postponed the publication of his journal out of fear that his political enemies would use it against him and that its incompleteness and errors would distort a strict-constructionist approach to the... To thwart such misrepresentation, he spent time throughout several decades improving his journal until there were many emendations, deletions, interlineations, and insertions in the text. As the fiftieth anniversary approached, some people had begun to call Madison the Father of the Constitution. However, he feared that the publication of his journal would lead his enemies to mock him and that he would be drawn into controversy, just as his friend Thomas Jefferson had become immersed in... Nevertheless, Madison reflected back on the road to the Constitution during dull winter days at Montpelier.

His work on George Mason's draft of the Virginia Declaration of Rights was the first step towards independence and the Constitution. He still had his amended copy of the Virginia Declaration of Rights (June 8, 1776) in his papers. He could see his major contribution, the replacing of the phrase "all men should enjoy the fullest toleration in the exercise of religion" with "all men are equally entitled to the full and free... JM had already committed himself to work for a new constitution to replace the Articles of Confederation when he arrived in Philadelphia on 5 May 1787, nearly three weeks before the Federal Convention had... The government he hoped to see established would be “republican,” deriving its authority from the great body of the people and administered by persons appointed directly or indirectly by the people. Beyond the republican principle, which enjoyed nearly universal acceptance among Americans and would not become a matter of serious debate at the convention, JM envisioned three fundamental reforms.

First, he proposed to replace the existing “federal” government that acted through sovereign states with a “national” one that acted directly on individuals, exercising an authority superior to that of the state governments. Second, he hoped to substitute proportional representation in the national legislature for equal representation of the states. JM confidently predicted that the convention would accept this new mode of representation with little difficulty. “A majority of the States,” he wrote Washington, “and those of greatest influence, will regard it as favorable to them. To the Northern States it will be recommended by their present populousness; to the Southern by their expected advantage in this respect. The lesser States must in every event yield to the predominant will.

But the consideration which particularly urges a change in the representation is that it will obviate the principal objections of the larger States to the necessary concessions of power” (16 Apr. 1787, PJM description begins William T. Hutchinson et al., eds., The Papers of James Madison (1st ser.; vols. 1–10, Chicago, 1962–77; vols. 11–17, Charlottesville, Va., 1977–91). description ends , IX, 383).

Third, he favored vesting the general government with a negative, or veto, “in all cases whatsoever on the legislative acts of the States” (ibid.). He regarded the negative as the indispensable anchor of the new system; it would both establish the supremacy of the national government and serve to protect individual and minority rights (PJM description begins William... Hutchinson et al., eds., The Papers of James Madison (1st ser.; vols. 1–10, Chicago, 1962–77; vols. 11–17, Charlottesville, Va., 1977–91). description ends , IX, 347–48).

These were the principal changes JM hoped the convention would adopt. He also expected as a matter of course that the new government would have additional positive powers—taxation and the regulation of trade, for example—and be organized into separate legislative, executive, and judiciary departments. JM’s reform proposals were largely embodied in the fifteen resolutions of the Virginia Plan, which Governor Edmund Randolph presented to the convention on 29 May. The Virginia resolutions became the basis of debate on 30 May, when the convention formed a Committee of the Whole. Reaping the benefits of initial strategy and organization, the Virginia delegation, supported by those of Pennsylvania and Massachusetts, secured the committee’s acceptance of the plan within two weeks. Although the committee approved proportional representation for both branches of the legislature, the close vote to extend the principle to the second branch hinted at future difficulty.

On 13 June the Committee of the Whole submitted its report, an expanded and revised version of the Virginia Plan. This report represented the high point of JM’s influence at the Philadelphia convention, but even then he had not gained all he sought. He was dissatisfied with the decision to give the national legislature only a qualified veto power over state laws. On 8 June he had supported Charles Pinckney’s unsuccessful motion to authorize the national legislature to disallow any state law that it judged improper. JM’s advocacy of an unlimited negative, which he called “the great pervading principle that must controul the centrifugal tendency of the States” (first speech of 8 June), revealed a doctrinaire cast to his mind... Any departure from that “doctrine,” he warned, was “inadmissible, being evidently unjust” (first speech of 7 June).

JM thus served notice that on certain matters of principle he would resist compromise. He proved notably unyielding on the subject of proportional representation, convinced that his views were grounded in right and justice. During the first two weeks of the convention the Virginians and their large-state allies had perhaps been too successful, their proposals too easily and too quickly adopted. That the representatives of the small states, caught unprepared at the beginning, would eventually offer stiffer resistance was predictable. On 15 June their leader, William Paterson of New Jersey, presented an alternative plan, “one purely federal, and contradistinguished from the reported plan” (Farrand, Records description begins Max Farrand, ed., The Records of the... description ends , I, 240).

JM regarded the New Jersey Plan, which was modeled on the existing Confederation, as a direct challenge to his own reform program. He accordingly devoted his longest speech at Philadelphia to a searching critique of this plan. Immediately following this speech (19 June) the committee again voted to report the expanded Virginia Plan in preference to that of New Jersey. Despite rejection of the New Jersey Plan, the reported Virginia Plan still had to pass formal consideration by the convention. Opponents of the plan used this opportunity to reopen fundamental questions. The principle of bicameralism, for instance, which the Committee of the Whole had accepted without debate on 31 May, underwent a lengthy discussion on 20 and 21 June before the convention officially endorsed it.

The “great difficulty,” however, as JM noted on 19 June, was the matter of representation—if this problem could be solved, “all others would be surmountable.” Debate on this thorniest of issues resumed on 27... On that same day the delegates referred the entire question to a grand committee, and from that point on sentiment in favor of compromise grew steadily. On 16 June the convention adopted the “Great Compromise,” providing for proportional representation in the first branch and equal representation in the second branch. Throughout this debate JM tenaciously adhered to his position that the principle of proportional representation should apply to both branches of the legislature. Time and again he entreated the delegates from the small states to see the justice and expediency of his views. To their fears of a combination of the larger states against the smaller, he replied that the real political division was between the northern and southern states (first speech of 30 June; 9 July).

When the grand committee on 5 July reported the compromise that the convention later adopted, JM only intensified his efforts to retain proportional representation in both branches. He even tried to intimidate his opponents by warning that the large states would not be deterred from founding a government on “just principles”; the small states, unable to stand alone, would have no... “The people of the large States,” he added, “would in some way or other secure to themselves a weight proportioned to the importance accruing from their superior numbers” (14 July). These threats, however, had the opposite effect JM intended and only confirmed the worst fears of the small-state delegates. Indeed, as the debate wore on, JM’s influence within his own faction diminished. The morning following the compromise vote of 16 July, he tried to persuade the members of this group, “comprising the principal States, and a majority of the people of America,” to draw up their...

description ends , II, 19–20). This meeting ended without any agreement, and the members from the large states accordingly accepted the compromise. Notes of Debates in the Federal Convention of 1787 was James Madison's record of the daily debates held by delegates at the Philadelphia Convention, which resulted in the drafting of the current United States... Madison's journal describing what delegates said remains valuable to historians, as it is one of historians' few sources of information on the proceedings at present-day Independence Hall during the summer of 1787, which, despite... Delegates were forbidden to leak the proceedings to the public. Madison, a delegate from Virginia and future President of the United States, who due to his role in creating the Virginia Plan became known as the "Father of the Constitution", purposely sat up front,...

In this favorable position for hearing all that passed, I noted in terms legible & in abbreviations & marks intelligible to myself what was read from the Chair or spoken by the members; and... Madison also avoided any long absences from the meetings, so as not to miss what was said: "It happened, also that I was not absent a single day, nor more than a casual fraction... When Madison's notes were published after his death, they became an issue for abolitionists. According to historian James Oakes, "Opponents of slavery were gratified by the publication in 1840 of James Madison's notes from the Constitutional Convention, which they believed supported their antislavery constitutionalism."[1][2] This article relating to the history of the United States is a stub. You can help Wikipedia by expanding it.

Building Context: At the Constitutional Convention in 1787, James Madison kept a prolific set of notes on the proceedings, discussions, and debates of all the delegates. Published only after his death, these notes display some of the Founding principles that animated the Convention as it worked to establish a new form of government. A scaffolded version of Madison's notes detailing the representation debate at the Constitutional Convention. A scaffolded version of Madison's notes detailing the representation debate at the Constitutional Convention. What did James Madison and Thomas Jefferson have to say regarding a bill of rights? What did James Madison and Thomas Jefferson have to say regarding a bill of rights?

Uploaded by Tracey Gutierres on February 21, 2013 James Madison, often hailed as the "Father of the Constitution," played a pivotal role in shaping the foundational framework of the United States. His intellectual prowess and political acumen were instrumental during the Constitutional Convention of 1787, where delegates gathered to address the inadequacies of the Articles of Confederation. Madison’s vision for a robust federal government not only influenced the structure of the Constitution but also laid the groundwork for the nation's political system. As we delve into Madison's early life and the philosophical influences that shaped his ideas, it becomes evident how his experiences and beliefs informed his contributions to the convention. The backdrop of the Constitutional Convention was fraught with challenges, and Madison's insights into governance and representation helped navigate the complexities of the time.

This exploration will reveal not only the key proposals he championed but also the enduring legacy of his work in American history. James Madison, often referred to as the "Father of the Constitution," played a pivotal role in the drafting and promotion of the United States Constitution and the Bill of Rights. His life and political philosophy were deeply intertwined with the formation of American democracy, emphasizing the need for a strong federal government while also protecting individual liberties. This section delves into Madison's early life, his political philosophy, and the influences that shaped his ideas, providing insights into how he became a key figure in the Constitutional Convention. James Madison was born on March 16, 1751, in Port Conway, Virginia. He was the eldest of twelve children in a prominent planter family.

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